Causes of the February Revolution
- Russia's unfortunate participation in the First World War, accompanied by defeats at the fronts and disorganization of life in the rear
- The inability of Emperor Nicholas II to rule Russia, which resulted in unsuccessful appointments of ministers and military leaders
- Corruption at all levels of government
- Economic difficulties
- Ideological disintegration of the masses, who stopped believing the tsar, the church, and local leaders
- Dissatisfaction with the tsar's policies by representatives of the big bourgeoisie and even his closest relatives
“...We have been living on the volcano for several days... There was no bread in Petrograd - transport was very bad due to the extraordinary snow, frosts and, most importantly, of course, because of the stress of the war... There were street riots... But this was, of course, not the case in the bread... That was the last straw... The point was that in this entire huge city it was impossible to find several hundred people who would sympathize with the authorities... And not even that... The point is that the authorities did not sympathize with themselves... There was no , in essence, not a single minister who believed in himself and in what he was doing... The class of former rulers was fading away...”
(Vas. Shulgin “Days”)
Progress of the February Revolution
- February 21 - bread riots in Petrograd. Crowds destroyed bread stores
- February 23 - the beginning of a general strike of Petrograd workers. Mass demonstrations with slogans “Down with war!”, “Down with autocracy!”, “Bread!”
- February 24 - More than 200 thousand workers of 214 enterprises, students went on strike
- February 25 - 305 thousand people were already on strike, 421 factories stood idle. The workers were joined by office workers and artisans. The troops refused to disperse the protesting people
- February 26 - Continued unrest. Disintegration in the troops. Inability of the police to restore calm. Nicholas II
postponed the start of State Duma meetings from February 26 to April 1, which was perceived as its dissolution - February 27 - armed uprising. The reserve battalions of Volyn, Litovsky, and Preobrazhensky refused to obey their commanders and joined the people. In the afternoon, the Semenovsky regiment, the Izmailovsky regiment, and the reserve armored vehicle division rebelled. The Kronverk Arsenal, the Arsenal, the Main Post Office, the telegraph office, train stations, and bridges were occupied. The State Duma
appointed a Provisional Committee “to restore order in St. Petersburg and to communicate with institutions and individuals.” - On February 28, night, the Provisional Committee announced that it was taking power into its own hands.
- On February 28, the 180th Infantry Regiment, the Finnish Regiment, the sailors of the 2nd Baltic Fleet Crew and the cruiser Aurora rebelled. The insurgent people occupied all the stations of Petrograd
- March 1 - Kronstadt and Moscow rebelled, the tsar’s entourage offered him either the introduction of loyal army units into Petrograd, or the creation of the so-called “responsible ministries” - a government subordinate to the Duma, which meant turning the Emperor into the “English queen”.
- March 2, night - Nicholas II signed a manifesto on the granting of a responsible ministry, but it was too late. The public demanded abdication.
“The Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief,” General Alekseev, requested by telegram all the commanders-in-chief of the fronts. These telegrams asked the commanders-in-chief for their opinion on the desirability, under the given circumstances, of the abdication of the sovereign emperor from the throne in favor of his son. By one o'clock in the afternoon on March 2, all the answers from the commanders-in-chief were received and concentrated in the hands of General Ruzsky. These answers were:
1) From Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich - Commander-in-Chief of the Caucasian Front.
2) From General Sakharov - the actual commander-in-chief of the Romanian Front (the commander in chief was the King of Romania, and Sakharov was his chief of staff).
3) From General Brusilov - Commander-in-Chief of the Southwestern Front.
4) From General Evert - Commander-in-Chief of the Western Front.
5) From Ruzsky himself - Commander-in-Chief of the Northern Front. All five commanders-in-chief of the fronts and General Alekseev (General Alekseev was the chief of staff under the Sovereign) spoke out in favor of the Sovereign Emperor’s abdication of the throne.” (Vas. Shulgin “Days”)
- On March 2, at about 3 p.m., Tsar Nicholas II decided to abdicate the throne in favor of his heir, Tsarevich Alexei, under the regency of the younger brother of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. During the day, the king decided to renounce his heir as well.
- March 4 - the Manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas II and the Manifesto on the abdication of Mikhail Alexandrovich were published in newspapers.
“The man rushed towards us - Darlings!” he shouted and grabbed me by the hand. “Did you hear that?” There is no king! There is only Russia left.
He kissed everyone deeply and rushed to run further, sobbing and muttering something... It was already one in the morning, when Efremov usually slept soundly.
Suddenly, at this inopportune hour, a loud and short sound of the cathedral bell was heard. Then a second blow, a third.
The beats became more frequent, a tight ringing was already floating over the town, and soon the bells of all the surrounding churches joined it.
Lights were lit in all the houses. The streets were filled with people. The doors of many houses stood wide open. Strangers hugged each other, crying. A solemn and jubilant cry of steam locomotives flew from the direction of the station (K. Paustovsky “Restless Youth”)
By January 1917 in Russia, both bourgeois opposition and workers' revolutionary forces were unanimous in their opposition to the tsar and the few senior bureaucrats who remained loyal to him. Any mistake by the authorities hit it like a boomerang with tenfold force. Everyone, even the tsar’s loyal supporters, imagined the betrayals and machinations of the Germans all around.
Two fateful events preceded the start of the revolution. At a meeting with ministers on February 21, Nicholas II suddenly announced that he was going to appear in the Duma and announce the granting of a responsible ministry. Perhaps he was influenced by the visits to Tsarskoye Selo by the Chairman of the 2nd Duma N.V. Rodzianko, who more than once asked the Tsar to create a ministry immediately responsible to the Duma. On his last visit on February 10, Rodzianko predicted that refusal would threaten revolution and such anarchy “that no one can stop” and expressed his firm conviction that this was his last visit to the autocrat and that in three weeks he would no longer reign. And so it happened: on the evening of February 22, literally on the eve of the revolution, before leaving for Headquarters, Nicholas 2 changed his mind and informed N.D. Golitsyn about changing his decision.
On February 22, at the Putilov plant, a meeting of workers was held with economic demands addressed to the administration. This led to a massive lockout. All participants were counted out, and a crowd of 30,000 workers was thrown onto the streets for several days, which instantly revolutionized all the workers of the capital. When the large plenary session of the IV State Duma opened on February 23, the center of revolutionary events moved to the streets.
The course and main events of the February Revolution of 1917
The events of the revolution began on February 23 (March 8), 1917. At the call of the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b), the St. Petersburg Committee of the RSDLP (b) and the Interdistrict Committee of the RSDLP, a women's anti-war demonstration began in honor of International Day female workers It grew into a large city strike, in which 128 thousand people took part, a third of all the city’s workers. Already on this day they appeared character traits the beginning of the revolution: a combination of organizational spontaneous actions. The next day, the number of strikers reached 214 thousand, and demonstrations and rallies became the predominant form of the movement. On February 25, 305 thousand were already on strike. At city enterprises, especially on the Vyborg and Petrograd sides, strike committees began to be created - prototypes of future factory committees.
The nature of the events on February 26 was already significantly different from the previous three days of the revolution. The evening before, Nicholas 2, after receiving reports on the events, sent a telegram to the Commander-in-Chief of the Petrograd Military District, General Khabalov, demanding “tomorrow,” that is, the 26th, to stop the unrest in the capital. In pursuance of these instructions from the tsar, on the night of February 26, the police arrested over 100 members of revolutionary parties, including five members of the Petrograd Committee and the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP(b). members of the Vyborg district party committee took over the functions of the citywide party center. It was Sunday. The soldiers received live ammunition and for the most part complied with the order to use their weapons. One of the companies of the Pavlovsk Guards Regiment refused to shoot at the people and fired a volley at a platoon of mounted police guards on the Catherine Canal.
February 27 is considered the day of the February bourgeois-democratic revolution. Its events were truly of a turning point. On the night of February 27, soldiers from many guards regiments in the capitals discussed the results of yesterday and agreed not to shoot at the people. The first such soldier’s “conspiracy” was carried out by the training team of the reserve battalion of the Volyn Guards Regiment. During the morning check, they killed their company commander, dismantled the weapon and took it out onto the city street. On that day, the number of rebel soldiers reached a quarter of the total number in St. Petersburg, by the evening of the next day - half, and by March 1 there were no law-abiding troops in the capital. At the same time, on February 27, soldiers and workers set fire to the building of the District Court near Orudiyny and Petrogradsky Party, stormed the building of the Pre-trial Detention House located behind the District Court, releasing all the defendants. The soldiers of the outpost of the reserve battalion of the Moscow Guards Regiment refused to shoot at the 20,000-strong demonstration and let it through to the Vyborg side. Some of the soldiers went to the largest city prison, Kresty, took it by storm, and released all the prisoners. On this day, bridges, train stations, the courthouse, and the most important government institutions were taken; the next day, the Peter and Paul Fortress, the Winter Palace and the Admiralty. The crew of the cruiser Aurora rebelled. The uprising in Petrograd was victorious.
“The fact was that in this entire huge city it was impossible to find several hundred people who would sympathize with the authorities... The fact was that the authorities themselves did not sympathize... There was, in essence, not a single minister who believed in himself ..."
Establishment of dual power
On the morning of February 27, 1917, the official meeting of the 4th Duma began in the Tauride Palace. Standing, its participants listened to the royal decree about a break in work until April. The Duma members, obedient to the tsar, decided not to disperse temporarily and, in order to emphasize the informal nature of their meeting, moved from the White Hall to the Semicircular Hall of the palace. But at that moment, a large crowd approached the Tauride Palace, led by armed soldiers and members of the Menshevik Working Group of the Central Military Commission, which had just been liberated from “Krestov”. The Bolsheviks were unable to delay the procession at the Finlyandsky Station, where they intended to organize a revolutionary center in the person of the Council of Workers' Deputies. The call of the Menshevik guards to go to the Duma evoked a warm response from the rebels, for the authority of the Duma since the end of 1916 was great among the soldiers and petty-bourgeois segments of the population. The clash between the rebels and the Duma guard was effectively prevented by the chairman of the Trudovik faction A.F. Kerensky, who stood between the parties and announced that he was removing the old guard and appointing a new one from the approaching soldiers. They carried him in their arms into the palace, which from that moment, unexpectedly for the Duma members, turned into a revolutionary center.
At 3 o'clock in the afternoon the culmination of the country's political life came. All left forces gathered in the halls of the Budget and Financial Commissions of the Duma: members of the Menshevik and labor factions of the Duma, members working group TsVPK, several Bolsheviks, workers, representatives of the press. In the course of a rapid and spontaneous discussion, an appeal was adopted to organize a temporary executive committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies. The created executive committee immediately called for the election of one deputy from 1,000 workers and one deputy from a company of soldiers and to send them to a meeting of the Council in the Tauride Palace by 20 o'clock on the same day.
At the same time, in the Semicircular Hall of the palace, members of the 4th Duma decided to form a Provisional Committee of the State Duma for relations with institutions and individuals. M.V. was elected chairman of the committee, which included almost all members of the Progressive Bloc and one representative each from the Menshevik (N.S. Chkheidze) and Trudovik (A.F. Kerensky) factions. Rodzianko. This is how two centers of power emerged.
Late in the evening of February 27, thousands of people filled the headquarters of the revolution. All the royal ministers were brought here, and A.D. Protopopov came and surrendered himself. The Preobrazhensky Regiment approached the Tauride Palace in full force and announced its transition to the side of the revolution. All these events prompted the Provisional Committee of the Duma to decide to take executive power in the country into its own hands. Duma emissaries were sent to all the most important government institutions and to the railways.
The Petrograd Council, simultaneously and in the same building, opened its first meeting, to which elected deputies continued to arrive throughout the night. It immediately showed itself as a real organ of revolutionary people's power.
On February 28, the soldiers' section of the Petrograd Soviet was formed. It was the executive commission of this section that, on the night of March 1-2, compiled and published the famous “Order No. 1” the next day, which actually removed the soldiers of the Petrograd garrison from under the command of the officers and subordinated them to the Petrograd Soviet.
The old power of officers over soldiers came to an end, along with it army discipline collapsed and the foundation for the future anarchy of the liberals was laid.
The end of autocracy in Russia
Once in power, the Russian bourgeoisie had no intention of losing its monarchical cover. She was not satisfied with the “old despot”; with hope, she turned her gaze to the heir to the throne, 12-year-old Tsarevich Alexei. Only in as a last resort liberals were ready to sacrifice the dynasty.
At the height of the Petrograd uprising, on the night of February 28, the tsar, accompanied by a train of loyal troops, set out towards the capital. But, fearing arrest, he was forced to do so before reaching 160 km. to St. Petersburg, turn to Pskov, where the headquarters of the commander-in-chief of the Northern Front, General N.V., was located. Ruzsky. On March 1, the tsar was already in Pskov. After negotiations via direct wire N.V. Rodzianko with N.V. Ruzsky and N.V. Alekseev’s generals put pressure on Nicholas 2 and he agreed to hand over a manifesto on the formation of a government of trust in the country headed by Rodzianko, responsible to the Duma. But in a conversation with Ruzsky, Rodzianko rejected the manifesto and raised the question of Nicholas 2’s abdication of the throne in favor of his son. Ruzsky reported the contents of the negotiations to Alekseev at the Mogilev headquarters, and he conveyed to all the commanders-in-chief of the dandies and fleets Rodzianko’s demands to send 2 requests to Nikolai in Pskov for his abdication from the throne in favor of his son.
On the morning of March 2, telegrams began to be received in Pskov from front commanders, who unanimously joined in the demand for abdication. Under their influence and at the insistence of Ruzsky and the generals, the tsar announced his abdication of the throne in favor of his son. Nicholas 2 renounces both for himself and for his son. This was a violation of Peter 1’s manifesto on succession to the throne, according to which the tsar had the right to abdicate only for himself. This fact made it possible in the future to declare the renunciation invalid. Guchkov and Shulgin, not anticipating a complex combination, agreed to this option, although they had strict instructions regarding abdication in favor of their son.
The completion of the discussion on the fate of the Russian monarchy took place in St. Petersburg at Putyatin’s apartment, where Mikhail Alexandrovich, the younger brother of Nicholas 2, who was scheduled to become regent for the young Alexei Nikolaevich, his nephew, then lived. But cadet lawyers V.D. Nabokov and B.E. The Nolde drew up an act of Michael’s refusal to accept supreme power. It stated that he would agree to accept the crown only if this was the decision of the Constituent Assembly, elected on the basis of general elections. Thus ended the February Revolution.
Results of the February Revolution of 1917
The most important result of the revolution was the overthrow of the autocracy in Russia, which the revolutionary forces of the country had so dreamed of since the very beginning of the 20th century. A unique political situation developed in the country: two political forces coexisted simultaneously, different in character, but not yet able to establish themselves in an understanding of their differences. Time and concrete actions were needed to make the demarcation of positions possible. Both of them had never been in power and had to learn to rule. For the first time in history, the working masses felt their real strength, and there was no return to submission, even in relation to their temporary political ally, the liberals. Therefore, the search for compromises on both sides became so important. But as history has shown, the ability to compromise was not developed on either side. The aggravation of contradictions led the country to a new historical milestone.
The February Revolution occurred in the fateful year for Russia in 1917 and became the first of many coups d'etat, which step by step led to the establishment of Soviet power and the formation of a new state on the map.
Causes of the February Revolution of 1917
The protracted war created many difficulties and plunged the country into a severe crisis. Most of society opposed the monarchical system; a liberal opposition against Nicholas II even formed in the Duma. Numerous meetings and speeches under anti-monarchist and anti-war slogans began to take place in the country.
1. Crisis in the army
At that time, more than 15 million people were mobilized into the Russian army, of which 13 million were peasants. Hundreds of thousands of victims, killed and maimed, terrible front-line conditions, embezzlement and incompetence of the army's high command undermined discipline and led to mass desertion. By the end of 1916, more than one and a half million people were deserters from the army.
On the front line, there were often cases of “fraternization” between Russian soldiers and Austrian and German soldiers. The officers made many efforts to stop this trend, but among ordinary soldiers it became the norm to exchange different things and communicate in a friendly manner with the enemy.
Discontent and mass revolutionary sentiment gradually grew in the ranks of the military.
2. Threat of famine
A fifth of the country's industrial potential was lost due to the occupation, and food products were running out. In St. Petersburg, for example, in February 1917, there were only a week and a half of bread left. The supply of food and raw materials was so irregular that some military factories were closed. Providing the army with everything necessary was also at risk.
3. Crisis of power
Things were complicated at the top too: during the war years there were four prime ministers with full Strong personalities At that time, there were no people in the ruling elite who could stop the crisis of power and lead the country.
The royal family always sought to be closer to the people, but the phenomenon of Rasputinism and the weakness of the government gradually deepened the gap between the tsar and his people.
In the political situation, everything pointed to the proximity of revolution. The only question that remained was where and how it would happen.
February Revolution: overthrow of the centuries-old monarchical system
Since January 1917, throughout Russian Empire strikes took place en masse, in which a total of more than 700 thousand workers took part. The trigger for the February events was the strike in St. Petersburg.
On February 23, 128 thousand were already on strike, the next day their number grew to 200 thousand, and the strike took on a political character, and already 300 thousand workers took part in it in St. Petersburg alone. This is how the February Revolution unfolded.
The troops and police opened fire on the striking workers, and the first blood was shed.
On February 26, the tsar sent troops to the capital under the command of General Ivanov, but they refused to suppress the uprising and actually sided with the rebels.
On February 27, the rebel workers seized more than 40 thousand rifles and 30 thousand revolvers. They took control of the capital and elected the Petrograd Council of Workers' Deputies, which was headed by Chkheidze.
On the same day, the Tsar sent an order to the Duma for an indefinite break in its work. The Duma obeyed the decree, but decided not to disperse, but to elect a Provisional Committee of ten people headed by Rodzianko.
Soon the tsar received telegrams about the victory of the revolution and calls from the commanders of all fronts to cede power in favor of the rebels.
On March 2, the establishment of the Provisional Government of Russia was officially announced, the head of which Nicholas II approved Prince Lvov. And on the same day, the king abdicated the throne for himself and for his son in favor of his brother, but he wrote the abdication in the same way.
So the February Revolution stopped the existence of the monarchy for
After this, the Tsar, as a civilian, tried to obtain permission from the Provisional Government to travel with his family to Murmansk in order to emigrate from there to Great Britain. But the Petrograd Soviet resisted so decisively that Nicholas II and his family were decided to be arrested and taken to Tsarskoe Selo for imprisonment.
The former emperor would never be destined to leave his country.
February Revolution of 1917: results
The provisional government survived many crises and was able to last only 8 months. The attempt to build a bourgeois-democratic society was unsuccessful, since a more powerful and organized force claimed power in the country, which saw only the socialist revolution as its goal.
The February Revolution revealed this force - workers and soldiers, led by the Soviets, began to play a decisive role in the history of the country.
February (23) revolution 1917
The year 1917 foreshadowed new social upheavals. The imperialist war continued. Russia has already spent most of its national wealth on its implementation. The general decline in production continued, especially in the fuel, metallurgical and engineering industries. The output of consumer goods decreased by half. Transport was hit the hardest by the devastation. Agriculture was experiencing a deep crisis.
The revolution was expected. But she came unexpectedly. It all started in Petrograd due to food difficulties that arose in February 1917 due to poor transport performance. The political activity of the working masses intensified as a result of the revealing propaganda of the socialist parties. It was carried out primarily by Bolshevik organizations.
· World War 1
· Work question
· Question about land
· Preservation of autocracy
Feudal remnants
February 27 – mass transition of soldiers to the side of the rebels (a temporary committee of the Duma and the Petrograd Council are created)
March 1 - the front commanders did not support the tsar (the Petrograd council and the provisional committee begin to form a government0
· Abdication of the king, abolition of the monarchy
· Conquest of political freedom
· Prospects for the democratic development of Russia
The emergence of dual power
The most important result of the February Revolution was the abolition of the monarchy.
The victory of the February Revolution turned Russia into the freest country of all the warring powers, providing the masses with the opportunity to widely enjoy political rights.
Throughout the country, workers and peasants created popular authorities.
One of the main results of the February Revolution was dual power. The essence of dual power was the implementation of two forms of power: the power of the bourgeoisie - the Provisional Government and the revolutionary democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry - the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies.
After the February Revolution, the highest body of the Russian state became the Provisional Government.
28. Russia in March-October 1917.\
Russia's development path
Radical socialist
(Bolsheviks-socialism)
Liberal
(cadets-capitalist system)
Moderate socialist
(sensheviks, socialist revolutionaries - capitalism + elements of socialism
Provisional Government (Cadets - support from the bourgeoisie and the intelligentsia, there is power without force)
Petrograd Soviet (Essers and Mensheviks - support by workers, peasants and the army. There is strength without power)
The provisional government has not resolved the issues of the population and is not supported by the population. The Petrograd Soviet with the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries supported the provisional government.
Crises of the provisional government:
April (creation of a coalition government)
· June (the provisional government survived thanks to the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks)
· July (end of dual power)
April 18th The first government crisis erupted, ending with the formation of the first coalition government with the participation of socialists on May 5, 1917. It was caused by general social tension in the country. The opposing sides were the Imperialist bourgeoisie and the masses. This led to popular outrage, which spilled over into mass rallies and demonstrations. On May 5, an agreement was reached between the Provisional Government and the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet to create a coalition.
First All-Russian Congress of Workers' and Soldiers' Councils deputies June 3-24, which was dominated by the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, supported the bourgeois Provisional Government and rejected the Bolshevik demand to end the war and transfer power to the Soviets. This increased the indignation of the masses. The Cadets, Socialist Revolutionaries, and Mensheviks attacked the Bolsheviks, workers, and revolutionary soldiers. Fearing losing the trust of the people, the Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik leaders were forced to make a decision at the congress to hold the 18th June (July 1) general political demonstration under the sign of confidence in the Provisional Government. The causes of its occurrence have not been eliminated. The consequence of this was the July Days of 1917...
Elections to the St. Petersburg Council in September
August 17 - the Bolsheviks decided to switch to armed methods of struggle for power
October (25) revolution 1917
· Weakness of the provisional government
· Unresolved basic issues
· Increased influence of the Bolsheviks. Bolshevization of the Soviets
In the fall of 1917, Russia's economic and military situation deteriorated even further. The devastation paralyzed its national economy. There were protests by workers, soldiers, and peasants throughout the country. The Bolsheviks confidently directed the revolutionary struggle. The speedy overthrow of the Provisional Government was the national and international duty of the workers' party. Lenin considered it necessary to immediately begin organizational and military-technical preparations for the uprising. A Temporary Revolutionary Center was allocated for leadership. Red Guard detachments were formed and armed in the capital.
IN October revolution In 1917, the Bolsheviks, according to some historians, won because they represented a centralized political force that had broad connections with the masses. The victory of the October Revolution led to a sharp change in the balance of political forces in Russia. The proletariat became the ruling class, and the Bolshevik party became the ruling class.
The reorganization of society was carried out on socialist principles, so the overthrown exploiting classes offered all possible resistance, which resulted in a bloody civil war.
After the October Revolution, the world split into two camps: capitalist and socialist. Socialism is becoming a real phenomenon of world history; the process of humanity’s transition to a new social quality has taken place.
Result: the Bolsheviks came to power, the collapse of the country’s liberal paths of development
The formation of Soviet power:
· A decision was made to conclude a Separatist Peace
· Land socialization carried out
· Decree on power
· Decree on land
· Power to the councils: workers, peasants, soldiers' deputies
· Legislative power (headed by Sverdlov) (VTsIK) - 62% Bolsheviks, left Socialist Revolutionaries
· Executive power (SNK-Council of People's Commissars)
· Council of People's Commissars (Lenin)
· All-Russian Extraordinary Commission (VEC) (Dzerzhinsky at the head)
Decrees Soviet power:
· 8 working days
Declaration of the rights of the peoples of Russia
· Sovereignty of all peoples
· Elimination of the class division of society
· Equal rights of men and women
· The church is separated from schools and from the state
· Russian Communist Youth Union
The dictatorship of the prolitariat, the building of socialism is the goal.
In 1917, the autocratic system that had existed for several centuries collapsed in Russia. This event had a huge impact on the fate of Russia and the whole world.
Russia and World War
In the summer of 1914, Russia found itself embroiled in world war with Germany and its allies.
The Fourth State Duma unconditionally supported the government. She called on the people to rally around Nicholas II - “their sovereign leader.” All political parties, with the exception of the Bolsheviks, put forward the slogan of defense of their fatherland. The liberals, led by Miliukov, abandoned their opposition to tsarism during the war and put forward the slogan: “Everything for the war! Everything for victory!
The people initially supported the war. However, gradually failures at the fronts began to cause anti-war sentiment.
Growing crisis
The civil peace that all parties except the Bolsheviks called for did not last long. The deterioration of the economic situation of the people, which is inevitable in any war, caused open discontent. A wave of demonstrations with demands to improve their financial situation swept across the country. When dispersing demonstrations, troops used weapons (in Kostroma, Ivanovo-Voznesensk, etc.). Protests against the shootings provoked new mass repressions by the authorities.
The opposition actions of the Duma in August 1915 displeased the Tsar. The Duma was dissolved ahead of schedule for the holidays. A political crisis began in the country.
In 1915, an economic crisis was brewing in Russia. Oil and coal production fell, and a number of industrial sectors reduced production. Due to a lack of fuel, wagons and locomotives, the railways could not cope with transportation. In the country, especially in large cities, cases of shortages of bread and food have become more frequent.
47% of able-bodied men from the village were drafted into the army. The government requisitioned 2.5 million horses for military needs. As a result, the area under cultivation has sharply decreased and yields have decreased. The lack of transport made it difficult to transport food to the cities in a timely manner. Prices for all types of goods grew rapidly in the country. The rise in prices quickly outpaced the increase in wages.
Tension grew in both the city and the countryside. The strike movement revived. The devastation of the village awakened the peasant movement.
Signs of collapse
The internal political situation in the country was unstable. Only six months before the February Revolution of 1917. - three chairmen of the Council of Ministers and two ministers of internal affairs were replaced. The adventurer, “friend” enjoyed unquestionable authority at the top royal family, “holy elder” Grigory Rasputin.
Rasputin ( real name- Novykh) appeared in St. Petersburg in 1905, where he made acquaintances in high society. Possessing the gift of hypnosis, knowing the properties medicinal herbs, Rasputin, thanks to his ability to stop bleeding in the hemophiliac (blood-clotting disease) heir to the throne Alexei, gained enormous influence over the Tsar and Tsarina.
In 1915-1916 Rasputin achieved enormous influence on state affairs. “Rasputinism” was an expression of the extreme decay and decline of morals of the ruling elite. In order to save the monarchy, a conspiracy against Rasputin arose in the highest government circles. In December 1916 he was killed.
By the beginning of 1917, Russia was in a state of revolutionary crisis.
Uprising in Petrograd
The February Revolution broke out unexpectedly for all political parties. It began on February 23, when about 130 thousand workers took to the streets of Petrograd shouting: “Bread!”, “Down with the war!” Over the next two days, the number of strikers increased to 300 thousand (30% of all Petrograd workers). On February 25, the political strike became general. Demonstrators with red banners and revolutionary slogans from all over the city walked towards the center. The Cossacks sent to disperse the processions began to go over to their side.
On February 26, Sunday, the workers, as in previous days, moved from the outskirts to the city center, but were met with rifle volleys and machine-gun fire. The decisive day of the revolution was February 27, when first the Volyn regiment, and then other military units, went over to the side of the workers. The workers, together with the soldiers, captured the train stations, freed political prisoners from prisons, took possession of the Main Artillery Directorate, the arsenal and began to arm themselves.
At this time, Nicholas II was at Headquarters in Mogilev.
To suppress the uprising, he sent troops loyal to him to the capital, but on the approaches to Petrograd they were stopped and disarmed. The Tsar left Mogilev, intending to return to the capital. However, having heard that revolutionary detachments had appeared on the railways, he ordered a turn to Pskov, to the headquarters of the Northern Front. Here, at the Dno station, on March 2, Nicholas II signed the Manifesto abdicating the throne in favor of his brother Mikhail. But Michael also abdicated the throne the next day.
Thus, in a matter of days, the 300-year-old autocracy of the Romanov dynasty collapsed.
Establishment of dual power
Even before the overthrow of tsarism, on February 25-26, workers of a number of factories in Petrograd, on their own initiative, began elections of Soviets of Workers' Deputies. On February 27, the Petrograd Soviet (Petrosoviet) was created, which immediately refused any compromises with the autocracy.
He appealed to the population of Russia with a request to support the labor movement, form local cells of power and take all matters into their own hands. The Petrograd Soviet adopted a number of important decisions, strengthening revolutionary power: on the creation of workers' militia at enterprises; about sending commissars to the city districts to organize Soviets there; on control over government institutions; on the publication of the official printed organ “Izvestia of the Petrograd Soviet”.
Along with the Petrograd Soviet, another government arose in the country - the Provisional Government, consisting of cadets and Octobrists. In the first weeks, the Provisional Government carried out a broad democratization of society: political rights and freedoms were proclaimed, national and religious restrictions were abolished, an amnesty was declared, the police were abolished, and the arrest of Nicholas II was authorized. Immediate preparations began for the convening of a Constituent Assembly, which was to establish “the form of government and constitution of the country.” Therefore, the Provisional Government initially enjoyed the support of the population.
Thus, as a result of the February Revolution, a dual power was formed in the country: the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. At the same time, it was an interweaving of two political directions. The Provisional Government was the power of the bourgeoisie, the Petrograd Soviet - the proletariat and peasantry. Real power was in the hands of the Petrograd Soviet, which was dominated by the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks. The dual power was especially clearly manifested in the army, the mainstay of power: the command staff recognized the power of the Provisional Government, and the vast majority of the soldiers recognized the power of the Soviets.
Meanwhile, the war continued, the economic situation in the country was increasingly deteriorating. The delay in reforms and elections to the Constituent Assembly, the indecisiveness of the Provisional Government - all this made popular the slogan of transferring power to the Soviets. Moreover, the masses, due to their inexperience in political activity, gravitated not towards parliamentary, but towards “forceful” methods of struggle.
On the way to the October Revolution
The victory of the February Revolution made it possible for revolutionaries who were in exile or exile to return to Petrograd. At the beginning of April, Lenin, Zinoviev and others returned to Russia. Lenin gave a speech to the Bolsheviks known as the April Theses. The main points that he put forward boiled down to the following: it is impossible to end the imperialist, predatory war waged by the Provisional Government in peace without the overthrow of capital. Therefore, we must move from the first stage of the revolution, which gave power to the bourgeoisie, to the second stage, which will give power to the workers and poor peasants. Hence - no support for the Provisional Government. Councils of workers' deputies are the only possible form of revolutionary government. Not parliamentary republic, and the Republic of Soviets. It is necessary to nationalize (transfer into state ownership) all lands, and all banks should be merged into one national one. Thus, the Bolsheviks set a course for the implementation of a socialist revolution.
In August 1917, the Soviets suppressed an attempt by right-wing forces to establish a military dictatorship with the help of General L. Kornilov. This further strengthened the authority of the Bolsheviks among the masses. Re-elections to the Soviets, which took place in September, consolidated the advantage of the Bolsheviks. The desire of the broad masses, the majority of workers and peasants for democracy in the communal form of the Soviets that they understood (election, collective decision-making, transfer of powers from lower to higher bodies, etc.) coincided with the main slogan of the Bolsheviks - “All power to the Soviets!” However, for the Bolsheviks, the Soviets are organs of the dictatorship of the proletariat. People inexperienced in politics did not understand this. Lenin's supporters managed to use the mood of the masses, their impatience, and thirst for equalizing justice to come to power. In October 1917, the Bolsheviks won not under socialist, but under democratic slogans understandable to the masses.
THIS IS INTERESTING TO KNOW
In the first days of the February Revolution, the Bolsheviks numbered only 24 thousand people, in April - 80 thousand, in July - 240 thousand, at the beginning of October - about 400 thousand people, i.e. in 7 months the number of the Bolshevik Party increased by more than 16.5 times. Workers made up the majority in it - over 60%.
Things were different in the village. There, at the end of 1917, there were only 203 Bolshevik cells, which included a little more than 4 thousand people.
By October 1917, the Socialist Revolutionary Party (SRs) numbered about 1 million people.
References:
V. S. Koshelev, I. V. Orzhekhovsky, V. I. Sinitsa / The World History Modern times XIX - early XX century, 1998.